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Getting Its Foot in the Political Door
Charting its own path, 32BJ grows into potent political force

By Courtney McLeod

Once upon a time, Local 32BJ of the Service Employees International Union was a large but politically inactive force in municipal politics.

Today, political consultants rate 32BJ, which represents 60,000 doormen, janitors and other building-service workers in New York City, as one of the city’s most influential unions.

“Next to 1199, which dwarfs all labor political labor operations in our city, 32BJ has one of the more activist and organized political action groups,” said Scott Levenson, a Democratic political consultant with strong labor ties.

32BJ, nicknamed “the doormen’s union,” rounds out a list of influential unions that includes 1199, the health care workers’ union local that belongs to the same SEIU as 32BJ; District Council (DC) 37, the city’s largest municipal public employees union; and the United Federation of Teachers.

Democratic political consultants say 32BJ has gone from outsider to insider by building a large and politically active membership and bringing on savvy leaders who are expected to further improve their political operation.

“The goals of our political program are about building the ability of our union to pass pro-worker legislation and to make sure that our members are involved in civic life in New York,” said Peter Colavito, the union’s political director.

Colavito, who has a background in activist progressive politics, has been 32BJ’s political director since 2004.

Many have credited the union’s president, Mike Fishman, with reinvigorating the union. Fishman, who has a long history as a union leader and has strong ties to the national labor movement, took the helm in 2000. A membership drive added 10,000 members.

Fishman’s potency hasn’t gone unnoticed: he made New York magazine’s “Influentials” list this year, joining Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, Attorney General and gubernatorial-hopeful Eliot Spitzer and City Council Speaker Christine Quinn, all Democrats.

Colavito says having a strong political program helps the union move strong legislative policy that benefits union members and their families.

“We believe that if the city, the state, the federal government is going to be a part of economic development, they need to make sure that those are good jobs that are created through subsidies and tax breaks,” Colavito said. “The government should not be subsidizing poverty jobs for janitors and doormen.”

The lobbying expenses and campaign contributions paid out by 32BJ indicate the extent to which the union has ramped up its political activity, not just at the city level but at the state level, as well.

In the course of three years, 32BJ’s lobbying expenses increased more than tenfold: $9,171 in 2003; $15,980 in 2004; and $96,366 in 2005, according to data from the New York State Commission on Lobbying.

The money spent on statewide campaigns follows the same upward trend: $45,195 in 2002; $9,744 in 2003; $92,004 in 2004; and $91,393 in 2005, according to state campaign finance data.

For political hopefuls, an endorsement from 32BJ brings money, but it also has the power to open doors. Literally.

“The fact that 32BJ represents the doorman in many buildings that many people in the public don’t have access to lets them get information out and in voters’ hands that is usually far more difficult to get out,” Levenson said.

32BJ made its electoral politics debut in 2001 when it endorsed Mark Green for mayor, a move that led to some problems.

In 2002 Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau (D) began an 18-month investigation into allegations by several union members that they were coerced to spend days off stumping for Green. In 2003, the union adopted a political activities code of conduct and hired an outside law firm to oversee its campaign activities. No charges were filed.

When asked about the investigation, Colavito said simply, “That’s old news.”

With its endorsement of Green in the 2001 mayoral primary, 32BJ began its process of setting itself apart from 1199, which backed then-Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer (D).

“Whereas everything in our city with regard to labor is usually seen through an 1199 filter, 32BJ has gone a long way over the past few years to secure its own political identity,” said Levenson, who worked for Green until 1998. “They’re beginning to develop an independent identity and an independent political operation which is powerful in and of itself.”

Colavito describes the relationship between 32BJ and 1199SEIU as amicable.

“Where we can we work together,” he said. He pointed out that 32BJ and 1199SEIU represent workers in different industries. “Sometimes that means that our goals our different. But our goals are rarely at odds.”

The Service Employees International unions backed opposing candidates again in 2005. Ferrer retained 1199’s support, while 32BJ went for Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R). DC 37 has also reinvigorated its political operation, along with various other unions around the city.

This November will be no different. 32BJ has backed Green in his attorney general bid, and 1199SEIU has endorsed Andrew Cuomo.

Mark Benoit, a spokesman for Green, said the backing of 32BJ is key among Green’s seven labor endorsements, which include SSEU Local 371 (social workers and child care workers) and the Uniformed Fire Alarm Dispatchers.

“Some endorsements are in name only, and some are worth more than just the name,” Benoit said. “32BJ is worth more than just the name. The name is enough, but they also have a politically active constituency.”

Last year more than 3,000 members of 32BJ volunteered for political campaigns. Colavito said there are no formal plans at this date to mobilize volunteers for Green’s campaign, but he expects some union members to volunteer.